Question:
Media outlets reported on the day of Eid al-Fitr, 28 July 2014, that Ali Saleh, the former President of Yemen, prayed the Eid prayer side-by-side with Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, the current President, as if they were close friends! This comes despite the fact that since Hadi took office, he has taken actions to dismantle what Saleh had built over thirty years—specifically a military whose leadership was loyal to the British, composed of his sons, cousins, and relatives—by "clipping their wings." Hadi also conducted ministerial, military, and security reshuffles a month ago as part of so-called government reforms. It was clear that America had an influence in these decisions, introducing ministers loyal to it and dismissing leadership from Saleh’s era, including his relatives. Hadi also took a lenient stance toward the Houthis, which was evident during the Houthi occupation of Amran on 9 July 2014 and the killing of the brigade commander. Furthermore, there were attacks on the Ministry of Defense, rumored to be a coup attempt against Hadi orchestrated by Ali Saleh. This suggests that Hadi and Saleh are bitter enemies, not close friends! How is this to be understood, especially since Hadi was Saleh’s Vice President? If he were not like Saleh—aligned with the British—Saleh would not have appointed him as deputy. So why the hostility now? These matters are confusing; I hope you can clarify:
Is Hadi aligned with the British or with the Americans? Furthermore, were the attacks on the Ministry of Defense actually coup attempts?
Answer:
First: Hadi’s political reality, and his alignment with the British or the Americans:
The answer to this issue requires us to go back a little into the past to reach current events:
- Since the 1960s, the struggle over Yemen has intensified between America and Britain, its old colonial power. This began with the Sallal coup in 1962, backed by America, which declared the Yemeni Republic. Britain remained in South Yemen until it established a republic there in 1967 and withdrew militarily. The pro-American Egyptian regime under Nasser led the war on America's behalf in North Yemen until the Egyptian army’s defeat in the 1967 war and its subsequent withdrawal. Following this, in 1967, Britain overthrew the American agent Abdullah al-Sallal and brought its own agents to power in the North. Thus, both the North and South came under British control. However, the struggle between the two colonial powers—the old and the new—continued through coups. Eventually, Britain brought its agent Ali Abdullah Saleh to power in the North in 1978, while Salim al-Beidh headed the regime in the South. To preserve its influence and stand against America, Britain decided to unify the two parts of Yemen under the presidency of its agent Ali Abdullah Saleh, which occurred in 1990. When elections were held in 1993 and won by Saleh’s party, Ali Salim al-Beidh saw it as a blow to his influence. America exploited this and managed to draw al-Beidh to its side, with his loyalty shifting to the US as they promised to restore him as President of the South after separating it from the North.
This is exactly what happened; al-Beidh declared the secession of the South in an open rebellion. However, Britain, through Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regime and its other agents in the region, managed to foil this rebellion. British influence continued in Yemen, yet America did not stop its efforts through its agents in the Southern Movement (Al-Hirak Al-Janubi) and elsewhere. It added to this by working through Iran and its followers among the Houthis, who began leading an armed rebellion in 2004. America’s work continues in Yemen through its agents in the Southern Movement and through Iran and its Houthi followers.
- When popular protests broke out in Yemen in 2011 and people revolted demanding the fall of the regime, America moved to exploit this to topple Ali Abdullah Saleh’s pro-British regime and divert the goals of the protests to establish a regime loyal to it, enabling it to spread its influence. America exerted every effort through its followers, insisting on removing Ali Saleh because he was loyal to Britain and stood firmly against America. Britain realized America was serious, so it followed its usual method of initiating a solution that preserves its influence while appearing to accommodate and satisfy America by giving it something that does not result in Britain losing its grip on Yemen. It moved its tools in the Gulf states and launched the Gulf Initiative in early April 2011, which called for Ali Abdullah Saleh to step down with a pledge of immunity, transferring his powers to his deputy Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, who is loyal to Britain. This was to be followed by elections within two months and the drafting of a new constitution. America approved the initiative, viewing it as a transitional step to remove Ali Abdullah Saleh, whom it saw as the strongman of the British in Yemen. As for Hadi, America saw him as lenient and easier to deal with according to its interests. Reuters reported on 14 August 2013: "Washington finds Hadi a partner who is easier to deal with than Saleh." Thus, America saw an opportunity to weaken British influence after getting rid of the strong British agent Ali Abdullah Saleh. America considered the initiative a transitional step, especially as it was behind sending Jamal Benomar, the UN envoy, to implement the initiative, dialogue, and constitution.
Britain is deeply rooted in political cunning. As its power as a major global state weakened and it became unable to confront America directly, it adopted a policy of going along with America rather than confronting it, satisfying it to preserve British influence, even by conceding something in the short term to regain it in the long or medium term.
For example, when America became so frustrated with the former Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Hamad, and his foreign minister that Britain feared its influence in Qatar would be destabilized, Britain—to satisfy America—removed the Emir and his foreign minister and replaced Sheikh Hamad with his son, Sheikh Tamim. America was satisfied and ceased its hostile actions against Qatar, thinking the new Emir would be "lighter" on its policy. Things calmed down for a while, but they returned to the British role designed for the new Emir, once again disturbing American policy, as is visibly felt now. A similar situation occurred with Hadi; Britain agreed to side-line Ali Saleh and appoint his deputy in his place, and America accepted.
- Hadi is also one of the British men. He was raised under British rule in the South, and the first to admire him was the so-called "Political Officer" of the British administration at the time—the officer responsible for security in the region. Abdrabbuh Mansur worked as a personal guard for this officer, who later became a UK ambassador in several Arab capitals. Hadi’s relationship with the British enabled him to obtain a scholarship to the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in Britain, where he graduated in 1968. He returned to work in his country’s national army shortly before Britain granted "independence" to South Yemen. He then worked in the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South). After the 1986 split in the Southern regime, he worked in the armed forces of the Yemen Arab Republic with Saleh and played an important role in integrating thousands of Southern forces who fled after the 1986 civil war into the Northern army. In 1994, Hadi helped the Northern army suppress a Southern secession attempt. After serving briefly as Minister of Defense, Hadi became Vice President, a role he held until 2012. Despite being Vice President, he had no actual authority under Saleh, who alone appointed the key officials he trusted to strategic positions such as military and secret intelligence.
Hadi was known as a quiet man living in Saleh's shadow, with a personality that was not firm in making difficult decisions. He continued his loyalty to the British after becoming President. Hadi received praise from the British Ambassador, Jane Marriott, who said: "I think President Hadi is a good man, he is trying to do an incredible job at an extremely difficult time... We need to put our weight behind the reformers and President Hadi." (Akhbar Al-Khaleej, 21 March 2014).
Therefore, he plays an important role for Britain in terms of maintaining its influence against the fierce American campaign. He shows that he is against Ali Saleh, but in reality, he is under Saleh’s command within the party and cannot abandon that. The relationship between them is warm, except for minor matters that occur between friends! Faris al-Saqqaf, President Hadi’s advisor for strategic studies, said when news surfaced that Saudi Arabia was mediating between Saleh and Hadi: "The relationship between Saleh and Hadi involves minor personal details that Saudi Arabia does not interfere in." (Al-Amnah newspaper, 22 July 2014). Thus, Hadi is closely linked to Saleh and the Congress Party (Al-Mu'tamar). It is well known that the Congress Party is the one that nominated Mansur Hadi for the presidential elections held on 21 February 2012, where he was the sole candidate. Therefore, he follows British policy according to a designed role that requires not confronting American influence heatedly, but rather through compliance in the British way.
- This policy required him to take actions that appeared to be against Saleh and his men while being lenient toward America and its followers. This was because Britain sensed the fierce American attack on Yemen through buying agents, infiltrating the army, and managing the dialogue via the UN envoy. As is Britain's habit of accommodating America to limit its dismantling of British influence, it inspired Hadi to take measures that satisfy America without negatively affecting British influence. He did the following:
a. He began with what is called military restructuring, dismissals, and appointments. He removed officers loyal to Saleh, including his sons and cousins, and appointed others in their place. Britain was confident that any new appointments would be mostly from those loyal to it because Ali Saleh had "cleansed" the army of American agents during his thirty years. Thus, these changes did not go beyond leadership loyal to Britain, except for some minor ranks that do not have significant influence. These changes satisfied America without effectively affecting British influence. Furthermore, they gave Hadi the appearance of a strong president, countering the image of him being weak or bypassed by other forces; these changes made him look somewhat strong to the public by showing he could change faces associated with the old regime!
b. He carried out a ministerial reshuffle in the Basindawa government on 11 June 2014, introducing two ministers loyal to America: First, Foreign Minister Jamal Abdullah al-Sallal, son of Abdullah Yahya al-Sallal, the leader of the military coup that declared the republic in 1962 and was linked to the Americans. Jamal al-Sallal has an American orientation; he graduated from Johns Hopkins University in the US, previously served as ambassador to Iran, and was his country’s representative to the UN where he abstained from voting on a Security Council resolution condemning the crimes of the Bashar al-Assad regime (an American agent) against the Syrian people in August 2012. Second, Finance Minister Mohammed Mansour Zamam, who was also educated in American universities and showed an American orientation; he was appointed between 1996 and 1998 as a project manager for education and environment at the U.S. Department of Agriculture in New Mexico.
c. He showed leniency toward the Houthis (loyal to Iran and, behind it, America) when they occupied Amran. Hadi and his army remained nearly neutral, all to satisfy America, for which he received its praise. US State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki stated: "We commend and support the efforts of the Yemeni government to stop the armed conflict and negotiate with the aim of achieving a peaceful reconciliation between all parties." (Saba news agency, 10 July 2014).
d. One of the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference overseen by Jamal Benomar (the UN representative) was the transformation of Yemen into a federal system of six regions: Azal, Saba, Janad, Tihama, Aden, and Hadramaut. Sana'a would have a special status and not be part of any region, and Aden would also have a special status. Azal, Saba, Janad, and Tihama would be the northern provinces, while Aden and Hadramaut would be the southern provinces. This is a compromise that satisfies America; Britain wanted South Yemen to remain governed from the North to maintain its influence over the whole country, while America wanted the separation of the South because its influence is strong in the Southern Movement, and to pave the way for the Houthis in Sa'dah and its surroundings. Thus, the federal union was a temporary compromise that satisfies America, but it will be a future arena of conflict between the two countries. Because Britain sees that most of the political class is on its side, it bets on the continuation of its influence in this union if it cannot undermine it and return things to how they were. As for America, its influence exists in the Southern Movement and the Houthis, but it has almost no presence in the political and traditional circles.
Thus, Hadi took steps that accommodate and satisfy America as if he were at odds with Saleh!
e. He tried to cover his relations with Britain with other goals whenever possible. When he wanted to visit Britain at the end of September 2012, he included it as part of his visits to Germany, France, and America. When he visited Washington in August 2013, he stopped in Saudi Arabia to meet its pro-British King to report on what happened between him and the Americans before returning to his country!
- America likely realizes these things and understands that Hadi is still loyal to the British. His various statements are not devoid of criticism of American followers like Iran, the Southern Movement, and the Houthis, even if they are occasionally interspersed with flattery, such as not mentioning the Houthis by name. The Saudi newspaper Al-Sharq expressed this on 1 April 2014, saying: "President Hadi... accuses Iran of still meddling inside Yemen. He asked the Iranians to review their specific policy toward Yemen. He emphasizes that it supports the separatist Southern Movement and religious groups in the North, in reference to the Houthis." Furthermore, what clarifies the matter more is that the Saudi King Abdullah, who is loyal to the British, patronizes both Saleh and Hadi; his contacts with them are continuous and public. Al-Quds Al-Arabi reported on 18 July 2014: "A source close to the Yemeni presidency revealed that Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz sent his special advisor to the Yemeni capital, Sana'a, a few days ago... During his visit to Sana'a, he met with Ali Abdullah Saleh, President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, and Major General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar." The same article added: "The newspaper Al-Mithaq, the mouthpiece of the Congress Party headed by Saleh, revealed at the beginning of the week that a special envoy from the Saudi King visited Sana'a and met during his visit with both President Hadi and former President Ali Saleh, without giving more details..."
Then there was that friendly meeting during Eid which, as they say, "the ice melted and revealed what was beneath it." Media outlets reported on the first day of Eid al-Fitr, 28 July 2014, and it was also broadcast by BBC Arabic television, that the current Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh performed the Eid prayer together side-by-side!
Therefore, America likely realizes that Ali Saleh and Hadi emerge from the same niche. However, it sees Hadi as "lighter" on it than Saleh. For this reason, it has monitored him closely since he took power. The American Ambassador’s contacts with him are intensive, resembling supervision, especially when decisions are issued. Additionally, America has tasked its representative, Jamal Benomar, in the name of the UN, to manage the dialogue, the constitution, and committees so that decisions remain within the limits acceptable to it.
Nevertheless, this "monitoring" of Hadi does not mean America will easily be able to control things in its favor. During his thirty years, Ali Saleh did not leave any effective American followers in the political or military spheres; he assassinated or dismissed all leaders who were not loyal to the British. This is especially true since the Congress Party, headed by Saleh, is still active, and it is the party Britain stood behind for many years. However, America considered the exclusion of Ali Saleh as a major step toward bringing its influence deeper into Yemen because it sees dealing with Hadi as much easier than dealing with Ali Saleh. It expects the impact of its three pillars to be stronger and more intense during Hadi's era. These pillars are: working through Iran by supporting the Houthis, supporting the Southern Movement, and military intervention under the pretext of fighting Al-Qaeda. However, what makes this expectation's results uncertain is that Britain, Ali Saleh, and the Congress Party are also pillars that surround and direct Hadi.
In conclusion, based on the above, Hadi’s loyalty remains with the British, but he works according to the role designed for him by Britain: not to confront American interests heatedly, but to accommodate them without weakening British influence in Yemen.
Second: The attacks on the Ministry of Defense.
The most prominent of these attacks are two:
The first occurred on 14 August 2012, where news reported that elements of the Republican Guard attacked the Ministry of Defense headquarters. Ali Abdullah Saleh and his son Ahmed, who leads the Republican Guard, were accused of involvement. At that time, President Hadi was in Saudi Arabia attending the Islamic Cooperation Organization summit. News agencies reported that the Republican Guard forces opposed President Hadi's recent decisions regarding the redistribution of army brigades. Sources close to the protesters confirmed they were demanding financial entitlements promised by the finance committee in exchange for ending a similar protest the previous week. Local media quoted protesting soldiers saying they were surprised by the Ministry's decision to seize their salaries on the pretext that they were defectors, after the Ministry had promised to pay them. It is most likely that this operation was not a coup attempt to overthrow the existing regime, as was rumored then, but rather a "staged production" to make the dismissal of some Republican Guard officers and the new appointments appear as serious changes to America. This is most likely because the Republican Guard is one of the strongest military formations in Yemen, if not the strongest, and the influence of Ali Saleh and his son within it is powerful. He could have easily carried out a coup if he wanted to, but he did not. In fact, when his son Ahmed Saleh was dismissed from his command and appointed as an ambassador, he did not rebel or lead military action. As we previously explained, who would Saleh and his son revolt against? Saleh and Hadi are of the same kind! Therefore, the likely conclusion is that the attempt was a staged production to show that the changes were serious, and it was mixed with the issue of soldiers' salaries to increase the intensity.
The second occurred on 5 December 2013, when the Ministry of Defense headquarters was attacked. It was announced that the Yemeni President held a meeting at the headquarters an hour after the attack; it is likely he was present but in another part of the ministry complex. Yahya al-Arasi, the President's media secretary, stated in an interview with the American Radio Sawa on 7 December 2013: "President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi was the target in the double attack on the Ministry of Defense complex." Al-Qaeda was accused of carrying out the attack, as statements in its name were posted on the internet claiming responsibility. Al-Sharq Al-Awsat newspaper reported on 7 December 2013, citing Yemeni sources, that they "doubt Al-Qaeda’s statements and believe they are merely a camouflage attempt." The newspaper quoted part of the preliminary investigation committee report stating that "most of the materials used in the explosion are identical to those seized on Iranian weapons ships that tried to reach the Yemeni coast in recent months." Through The Guardian on 22 November 2013—before the incident occurred—the British revealed the relationship between Bandar bin Sultan (then head of Saudi Intelligence) and the Houthi group. Saleh al-Habra, one of the group’s leaders and head of its political council, visited Saudi Arabia secretly via London and met Bandar bin Sultan, carrying a large sum of money after the meeting. It quoted a Saudi source saying that the Houthis receive financial and military support from Saudi Arabia and get monthly payments from Riyadh. Bandar bin Sultan is known for his agency to America and his implementation of its plans. It appears that this operation was a threatening message to President Hadi: that if he follows Saleh's path, reaching his neck is an easy matter. America likely carried out this threat through its agent Bandar and the Houthis, who are directed by American agents in Iran. It is worth noting that the pro-British Saudi King Abdullah removed Bandar bin Sultan from the intelligence leadership, as the King focuses on placing British agents in many important positions and leads the work for British interests in Yemen and other countries in the region.
Third: In conclusion, until when will the lands of the Muslims remain a battleground for the colonialist kuffar states? How much longer will the struggle between Britain and America over influence in Yemen continue? Until when will they fight each other using local and regional tools among us—Saudi Arabia, the tribes, Saleh’s party, and Hadi on one side, and Iran, the Houthis, and the Southern Movement on the other? Until when will the people of faith and wisdom watch the ongoing conflict as if the country were not theirs? Will they not move with truth and revolt with sincerity? Will they not work with those working to establish the Islamic State, the Rightly Guided Khilafah, so that the truth is established and falsehood vanishes, and those colonialist kuffar states retreat to their own homes, if they still have homes left? Until when? Until when?